The Celts and the Mediterranean

Introduction

What I hope to show in this work is a metaphorical day in the life of a culture, which I break into three parts, Dawn, Day and Dusk, beginning with first contact between the Celts, Greeks and Etruscans and closing with the re-emergence and dominance of an indigenous culture. I will treat on the possible reasons for the introduction of trade with the classical world, the influences received from Mediterranean cultures, how these continually transform Celtic society and likewise how Celtic society adapts these influences to fit its own beliefs.

I will stray from the vine to vignettes on the status of women in Celtic society at this time and the significance of the Hallstatt Wagon. I will go on to deal with the halcyon days of the Hallstatt D period and its eventual decline in favour of a more radical element of society at which point I shall discuss the rise of the La Tène culture and art. Finally I will conclude with a triplett focussing on the many forms of La Tène art and on its many and varied elements, the significance of weapons in the Hallstatt and La Tène periods and finally a passage on the possible migrations of the Celts to the British Isles.

Dawn

Wine, Women & Wagons

Prior to the foundation of Massalia around 600BC the Hallstatt culture had a complex stable economy producing just what was required at the time without need of surplus (Cunliffe 1988, 24) “…the overall impression given is of a high degree of cultural stability. The society was producing what it needed to maintain an equilibrium, but little more” (Ibid). The lack of luxury goods at this time meant that there was a distinct absence of the acquisition of status symbols or at least of interring them with leading members of the community. “Since prestige was not at this stage equated with the ability to dispense goods on a lavish scale there was little need to produce unnecessary surplus”(Ibid). The trade of exotic goods with wine at its core may have started by way of the intervention of the Greeks and Etruscans in search of raw materials to fuel their own economies. “The Greek and Etruscan prospectors who visited this area were probably in quest of the copper and tin ore of the Montagne Noire.” (Hatt 1970, 89). In a remarkably short period of time what was then a trickle of trade flowing to the Hallstatt chiefdoms soon became a flood, as can be deduced from tombs dated to this time.

If we take Vix near Mont Lassois, for example, excavations in 1953 revealed a community with strong trade connections with both the Greeks and Etruscans. (James 1993, 23) “…the chamber was filled with wine drinking gear, including an Etruscan flagon and Attic cups.” (James 1993, 23). Wine, however, was at the forefront of trade with the Mediterranean, and the Hallstatt chieftains in many ways wished to emulate the elite in the Greek and Etruscan empires. “…the ruling groups added the wine, the special vessels and perhaps also the furniture and ceremony of the Greek drinking-party or symposion.”(James 1993, 24) Referring to the number of the remains of drinking horns in the tomb of the Hochdorf Chieftain (eight fitments of animal horns and one of iron) “Nine was the ideal number for the Greek symposion, or drinking party”(James 1993, 27). Similar numerical significance is visible on the iron horn which exhibits nine gold bands of similar width.

While it is difficult to ascertain the position of women in Hallstatt society we have been left with some tantalising if ambiguous clues in the tombs of Hohmichele of the late 6th Century BC and the later Vix burial. However, did the female motifs on Greek and Etruscan imports such as the Krater Gorgon or black figure maidens in some way influence and enhance the position of women in this society, or were Mediterranean merchants simply exploiting an existing niche in the market? (James 1993, 25) Wagons, superficially at least, do not seem to owe anything to Greek or Etruscan influences, that is until one concentrates on the wheels. They seem far too delicate and slender to be used, even as a ceremonial vehicle, in an area that has no evidence of an ordered road structure, and while the body of the wagon contains symbols indigenous to the region such as the solar symbolism of the eight spoked wheel surrounded by 16 small circles the wheels of the wagon remain more Hellenic than Hallstatt.

Day

Golden Shoes, Grapes & Toadstools

Along with the growth in trade, prestige goods, for the most part connected with the procurement, transport or drinking of wine, became more available (Cunliffe 1997, 53). Not only were luxury items being imported along with the precious wine, they were now being made on site by skilled artisans who competently imitated both Greek and Etruscan styles “The point was most convincingly made at Hochdorf, where by meticulous excavation, archaeologists were able to show that the elaborately decorated gold facings covering the dead man’s dagger and shoes had actually been manufactured at the burial site as the preparations for interment were underway.”(Chadwick 1997, 38)

Such was the insatiable appetite for prestige goods in the home region of Hallstatt peoples that it created great demands on local produce and materials to trade for such items. “…there had to be a consistent supply of raw materials and manpower to offer for southern luxuries”(Chadwick 1997, 39). It appears, noting the evidence uncovered at the Hochdorf burial, that the fascination with the Mediterranean born in the early Hallstatt not only continued but grew in elaboration. So began the expansion toward the latter stages of the Hallstatt era. “…quite suddenly, in the Hunsrück-Eifel region, an area which had previously been sparsely settled.”(Cunliffe 1988, 33) The suggestion is that they were looking to exploit iron ore and other metals (Ibid). However, the Hallstatt chiefdoms had a love-hate relationship with trade with the Mediterranean world, that is not all benefited all the time, and not all chiefdoms were eager or able to hop on the proverbial ‘band wagon’ (James 1993, 25). “…but a more detailed study of the chronology of the aristocratic graves shows, as one might expect fluctuations in the fortunes of the individual domains.” (Cunliffe 1988, 32)

Throughout this time, about 500BC, Massalia had been consolidating its power due to trade with the Hallstatt chiefdoms, “Massalia was still part of an extensive Mediterranean network” (Cunliffe 1997, 53) and had introduced wine growing, (Cunliffe 1988, 22) possibly as a means to ensure a constant supply to trade during times of political strife with the Etruscans and Carthaginians (Cunliffe 1988, 17;Chadwick 1997, 34). It is possible that some of the wine growing technology migrated north to favourable fertile valleys right in, dare I say it, the ‘Celtic heartland’, which in turn could have contributed to the shift in power within the Hallstatt chiefdoms to the Moselle (Cunliffe 1997 65), Rhine and Neckar Valleys (Ibid, 34) and Bohemia (Ibid, 66), areas which are still synonymous with wine growing today.

Along with noted tangible Mediterranean imports such as black and red figure ware, the Hallstatt region was undergoing a Hellenification of a more visible and dramatic nature. The Heuneburg is possibly the clearest example of the importation of a concept of construction. The manufacture of the sun dried bricks, synonymous with Greece, and the construction schematics of the Heuneburg itself were executed so precisely that many believe the project utilized the services of bona fide Greek architects and artisans (Cunliffe 1988, 29-31). Cunliffe paints a vivid picture replete with a mythical undertone of the Hallstatt society toward the end of this particular phase. “It might be suggested that the power to command long distance trade shifted north during the fifth century BC from the core to the periphery, rather like the outward growth of a toadstool ring, the old core decaying whilst vigorous growth continued along its perimeter”(Cunliffe 1988, 33). Cunliffe’s metaphor remains in a more succinct format nine years later (Cunliffe 1997, 66). With mushrooms came the inevitable rot, and this would come in two ways: firstly the increasing emulation of the classical world and the commitment of resources to do so (Chadwick 1997, 36)- one thinks of the Etruscan style bronze bier of Hochdorf (Cunliffe 1997, 61) and what would have been required for its manufacture (Cunliffe 1988, 29)- and secondly the increasingly popular and unsustainable deposition or conspicuous consumption of much needed wealth as a symbol of one’s place at the apex of society(Chadwick 1997, 39). The rapidly diminishing wealth of the region in a prestige goods economy would have given rise to greater conflict amongst rival chiefdoms and would have contributed to an unstable society (Ibid). Could the image on the back of the bronze bier (James 1993, 27) reflect a famous scene from Greek legend, or might it portray a conflict closer to home, a snap shot, if you will, on a turbulent time of change possibly even the very end of a way of life? (Chadwick 1997, 39) One thing is certain, the northern tribal chiefdoms would never again have the comfort of reclining on their successes.

Dusk

The Birth of a New Art

The close of the Hallstatt period and the beginning of the La Tène appears to be delineated by numerous changes to the relevant societies present (James 1993, 29). During this period, in which the Hallstatt and La Tène overlapped considerably for a period of about 50 years, trade with Massalia diminishes (Cunliffe 1988, 32) and Massalia itself withers somewhat due to a political shift in the western Mediterranean (James 1993, 29).

The colony long since under pressure, having to trade primarily with the barbarian tribes to the north, suddenly found demand for their principal product wine drop sharply (Cunliffe 1988, 32); however, the various amphorae and drinking sets that were imported along with it, for the most part, seemed to continue in popularity with red figure ware replacing black (James 1993, 29). Although there are many suppositions as to why this occurred using human nature as a guide it is hard to imagine the northern chiefdoms growing tired of the consumption of alcohol, that being the case it leaves us with, in my opinion, three plausible explanations. They developed an indigenous wine industry by way of Massalia (Cunliffe 1988, 22). The wine drinking culture was disassociated with funerary rituals owing to the greater availability of indigenous wine. Alternatively, the wine drinking culture along with all the paraphernalia played a lesser role in society due in part to a decrease in the elite aspect of wine or because the northern tribes wished to reassert an independent culture juxtaposed to the Graecophile Hallstatt period.

The Celtic ‘grá’ for human figural representations did not seem to translate to indigenous artefacts, instead artisans opted for Etruscan style animal sculptures to decorate their flagons e.g. the Basse-Yutz Flagon (Frey 1964, 43). To complicate matters further, the northern tribes appear to have adopted an expansionist policy culminating in large-scale attacks (Cunliffe 1988, 36) and were no longer satisfied to acquire goods in a classical trading context (Ibid). It appears there were new kids on the block, and this apparent warrior-based society was not about to follow the same path as their Hallstatt cousins.

…that way madness lies

Artistic motifs, which were so meticulously imitated up to this point including three dimensional animal motifs such as the Greek Pegasus (James 1993, 23), the replacement lion as found on the Hochdorf cauldron (James 1993, 26) and two dimensional palmette, comma leaf and spiral (Cunliffe 1997, 120) were now vigorously altered as if a point needed to be proved by breaking away from the strict linear designs as seen on the Waldalgesheim spouted flagon, Reinheim flagon and amphora. Gone was the symbolic four-wheeled wagon found at such locations as Vix and Hochdorf (James 1993, 23), replaced by a more austere chariot again discovered at Waldalgesheim (Frey 1964, 42).

The symbolism through artistic expression, which so often occurs in Hallstatt art, remains somewhat in the La Tène, but just as the art itself has found a new form, the symbolism may also have changed or may have been forgotten altogether giving the art of the La Tène a life of its own. Up to this point the La Tène period had produced two distinct art styles, ‘Early La Tène’ (Cunliffe 1997, 111) and ‘Waldalgesheim’ or ‘Vegetal Style’ (Ibid, 119) but soon they would be joined by two more, the ‘Plastic Style’ and ‘Sword Style’. The ‘Vegetal Style’ in particular owes its existence to the dramatic shift in power following the demise of the Greek trade routes and the subsequently increasing influences of the Etruscans via the Po valley (Frey 1964, 42), and it is the enigmatic swirls and tendrils found in this style which draw so much speculation as to its origin and meaning (Collis 2003, 217). However, without a frame of reference for the “living culture” at that time any attempt to interpret the flamboyant artistic motifs may well be contaminated by the enduring deductions of certain well-meaning 19th century antiquarians (Ibid).

A word on weapons

One of the clear differences between the Hallstatt and La Tène cultures lies in the inclusion of weapons with regard to funerary depositions (Frey 1964, 42). It has long been considered that the numerous finds of weapons in La Tène sites signify that this period was far more unsettled and tumultuous-a warrior society, if you will (Cunliffe 1988 33)-than the sober Hallstatt, portrayed by some as a Celtic classical age (Ibid, 24). I, however, believe that the opposite was the case when considering the same evidence. Given the amount of wealth one needs to procure weapons either by manufacture or import I find it highly unlikely that in a period of extreme flux and violence a society would be so suicidal as to dispose of their weapons right at the moment they need them most. Similarly, the lack of substantial weapon finds in the Hallstatt period gives it an illusion of a culture engaged in placid trade and acquisition (Ibid). The flowering of ‘Sword Style’ art may also indicate that at least swords for the most part had, at this point, acquired a symbolic stature rather than a military purpose.

Migrants or Merchants

The discovery of certain metal items including the Battersea shield (Cunliffe 1997, 68) found in the Thames, London and the flagon found at Basse-Yutz, France (Ibid, 116) was enough in the world of early archaeology to forge a link between the Celtic world and a migratory pattern toward Britain as they depicted a society on the move, a society that by all accounts even encompassed the peripheral islands of Europe. The application of the all too familiar vigorous La Tène art styles on these objects seems to carry as much weight as a cultural fingerprint, e.g. ‘head culture’ (Collis 2003, 216). Even though the Celtic invasion theory has over time lost its credibility, Celtic migrations to the British Isles remained somewhat of an archaeological ‘holy cow’, and much of the evidence found had to fit around or actively encourage this precept (Ibid, 223).

The suggestion that displaced chieftains found themselves in the British Isles as a result of overpopulation of their region of the homeland and a collapse of Greek trade routes is a plausible one (Frey 1964, 46). It is easy to imagine these people bringing with them the trappings and the suits of Celts and generally making themselves at home. It is also easy to imagine them residing in familiar constructions and continuing much as they had done. The trouble is it is too easy. One could postulate that just as the chiefdoms of the North were quick to assimilate Greek art and Etruscan customs into their culture the Iron Age inhabitants of Britain may have done similar with the chiefdoms of Europe. They may have acquired prestige goods and the knowledge to manufacture them from merchants operating to and fro Celtic demesnes through established trade routes.

This supposition is reinforced by the haphazard pick and mix attitude towards the acquisition of prestige goods and customs as exemplified by the eclectic artefacts found in Britain from this time, such as from the site of the Wetwang burial, Yorkshire. Here we see the familiar two wheeled chariot or cart but used in a very different way, upturned and covering the body, also a notable absence in prestige grave goods (Cunliffe 1997, 161). This may well indicate that there was a different method of proving one’s worth in society other than ritual depositions. So if the Celts never made it as far as Britain, whether by a lack of resources or the fact that the land was already occupied by native chiefdoms, it presents us with a predicament, a mirror image of the situation in which the Greeks found themselves when referring to the ‘Keltoi’. Where the Greeks used the word Keltoi as a way of distancing themselves from what they considered a barbaric culture, a term possibly used in a pejorative sense, some modern British archaeologists have employed the confusing appellation ‘Ancient Briton’ (Pryor 2003, part.2) when referring to the culture formally known as Celts as a means of superimposing a much later national identity.

In summarizing we have seen how the northern tribal chiefdoms became greatly affected by the onset of Mediterranean trade and their taste for the finer things in life including wine and prestige objects and how quickly the Celtic tribes absorbed these influences and engaged in indigenous manufacture of their own prestige items. We dealt with a culture whose tentative flirtations with trade with the classical world soon became an obsession in a temporarily stable but ultimately flawed economy.

Conclusion

We saw a society awash with prestige goods catastrophically combined with the tradition of conspicuous consumption and a seemingly stable society of the Hallstatt giving way to the fresh assertiveness of the La Tène period. We looked at the various forms of the art at this time and the futility of trying to find meaning within them. After a brief insight into the significance, if any, of the presence of weapons in Hallstatt and La Tène sites we concluded with a word on migrations to the British Isles and a sobering reminder of the time when history and archaeology collided, comparing perceptions then and now.

David Martin Byrne

Bibliography

Chadwick, N. 1971 (reprinted 1997) The Celts. London. Penguin Books.

Collis, J. 2003 The Celts: origins, myths and inventions. Stroud

Cunliffe, B. 1988 Greeks, Romans and barbarians. London. Batsford.

Cunliffe, B. 1997 The ancient Celts. Oxford. Oxford University Press.

Frey, O. H. 1964 The archaeology of the Continental Celts. In J. Raftery (ed.) The Celts, 35-46. Dublin. Mercier Press.

Hatt, J.J. 1970 Celts and Gallo-Romans. Geneva. Nagel Publishers.

James, S. 1993 Exploring the world of the Celts. London. Thames and Hudson. Pryor, F. 2003 Britain B.C. London. Channel Four

The Rise of Complex Societies

Introduction

What I hope to show in this essay is that the journey to statehood by the Egyptian and Indus civilization had as many differences as similarities. While the journey to state-level society may have been achieved by both civilizations and influenced by similar factors, geography and ingenuity may have produced two very different entities. I hope to show that the reading of a people is not like that of a book, that there are no simple answers with one explanation suiting all. Behind the theories of state-formation such as those on environment, social organization, civic planning and craft specialization there are people, and it is unfortunate that three thousand words just allow one to scratch the surface, but even with this in mind I will only focus on the stark differences or remarkable similarities in both cultures.

Throughout I will treat on the attitudes as well as the assessments of archaeologists and anthropologists who regarded both cultures. I will also write on the two distinctly different technologies developed and mastered by each civilization- that of Egyptian bureaucracy on the one hand and Harappan toilets on the other, both forcing the participants to sit and work things out and both dealing with opposite ends of the nutritional process. Finally I will have a brief look at the theories of state formation and how they fit in with both civilizations.

Geographical Location

Both Egypt and the Indus civilizations existed and expanded in much the same geographical terrain. Both depended on mighty waterways, alluvial plains, deltas and seasonal flooding for the lifeblood of the fledgling communities (Sabloff & Lamberg-Karlovsky 1995, 228). However, the Nile and the Indus, being very different entities, would lead the respective civilizations down very different paths.

While Egypt enjoyed a regular and largely dependable flood or inundation supporting two crops per year, the general population was largely chained to the green ribbon of the Nile- hemmed in by arid deserts (Scarre & Fagan 1997, 52); the Harappan civilization, on the other hand, had to contend with a somewhat unpredictable waterway more tempestuous in nature than the Nile, making it an altogether more risky affair to inhabit the water’s edge (Fairservis 1975, 230). The upside was, however, that the general populace was not as hemmed in by deserts, as it was possible to grow certain crops in uphill regions which enabled communities, initially at least, to be more scattered in nature (ibid, 232). Despite some geographical anomalies both the Nile and the Indus in drawing people to their banks may have provided the catalyst needed for medium- sized chiefdoms to coalesce into proto-state civilizations (Scarre & Fagan 1997, 33).

Political and Social Organization

Population growth

When the relatively scattered agricultural-based communities of Egypt came to realize the fertile qualities of the Nile one can only imagine that this led to a migration to the edge of the flood plains (ibid). Factors influencing population growth would include the availability of a greater abundance of food from the fertile plains such as wheat and barley and the ancillary agriculture of the raising of sheep, goats and cattle (Sabloff & Lamberg-Karlovsky 1995, 130), improved agricultural techniques such as the implementation of seasonal work camps, the construction of irrigation ditches and pumps for fertile areas adjacent to the flood plains and the cultivation of geographically suitable crops not native to the area ((Scarre & Fagan 1997, 132).

Some suggest that an efficient and coherent agricultural approach and strong political leadership may have led to a population increase (Sabloff & Lamberg-Karlovsky 1995, 228) while others argue the reverse is true or that both occurred symbiotically (ibid, 229). The Harappan civilization may have been faced with a similar destiny but it may have been achieved in different ways. For instance the pull of the river may not have been as strong as in Egypt due to a greater availability of arable land, which in turn would lead to a pattern of settlement diversity from the outset (Allchin & Allchin 1982, 133). The crops of wheat and barley were subsidised in many areas with mustard, dates, peas and possibly rice and sorghum combined with the rearing of cattle (Scarre & Fagan 1997, 52). Irrigation ditches were vastly superior to that of ancient Egypt indicating an application of a higher level of skill when it came to waterside developments. This skill along with crop surpluses may have driven the surge in population growth through the early Harappan phase (Sabloff, Lamberg-Karlovsky 1995, 127).

Cycling chiefdoms

The visible signs of fluctuations in chiefdom complexity are depicted in very different ways between the Harappan and Egyptian Civilizations. Tablets, hieroglyphics and images of the type found on the Narmer Palette clearly demarcate the last days of disunity during the pre-dynastic period of ancient Egypt when both Upper and Lower Egypt were united by conquest (Scarre & Fagan 1997, 117). The Harappan Civilization offers a mere tantalizing scattering of evidence of inter-settlement strife (Cork 2005, 418). Some say the floodwalls, of the type found at Mohenjodaro and Harappa, a possible twin city, were built with defence in mind (Allchin & Allchin 1982, 157).

A far out Harappan

What is most striking is the overall evidence for a subtle unification of the Indus region such as the spread of Kot-Diji pottery to multiple settlements (Scarre & Fagan 1997, 153). One could also say that the absence of evidence of conflict during the formative years is just as striking. One gets the feeling that there is a concerted effort to portray the peoples of the Indus Valley as a peace-loving, meditating, egalitarian culture- a kind of valley of the lost Hippie, but one wonders if certain uncomfortable pieces of evidence were just overlooked (ibid, 160). In fact there is reason to suggest that Harappan weapons were just as prolific, effective and used as those of Egypt (Cork 2005, 418). Some Harappan cities show signs of repeated burning which could indeed indicate violence or the presence of some very careless people (Scarre & Fagan 1997, 161).

Centralization

The most enduring evidence of the centralization of both the Egyptian and Harappan civilizations has to lie in their writing. With this medium we are given insights into trade, crop yield inventories, regional identification within a unified political entity (Trigger 1993, 27), and with particular emphasis on the Nile Valley, consolidation and aggrandizement of the ruler’s power (Sabloff & Lamberg-Karlovsky 1995, 134). In Egypt writing was mainly carried out by scribes and the earliest seem to be in the form of bone and ivory labels- some of which have been carbon dated to 3200 B.C. (Scarre & Fagan 1997, 116) The Narmer palette relates the story of one of the battles of King Narmer (a.k.a. Scorpion King) sowing the seeds of Egyptian unification which would eventually be reaped by King Horus Aha in 3100 B.C. (ibid, 117)

Another sign is the construction of large granaries enabling large surpluses of food to be held over or traded, all under the direct control of the king or a locally appointed leader (lecture notes). One of the possible consequences of centralization was the development of a strong ideology to help maintain control over a large body of people (Trigger 1993, 107), especially during the inundation period, and this appeared to have worked when one considers the fruits of their labour in the form of vast monumental tombs (Scarre & Fagan 1997, 124). While there is ample evidence to point to specific roles within Early Egyptian society with regard to the task of writing (Trigger 1993, 27), we are not so lucky with the Harappan civilization, mainly because unlike Egyptian texts the writings of the Indus remain largely indecipherable (Allchin & Allchin 1982, 186).

Yet one can speculate that finds such as the Harappan carved cylinder seals were once used as customs stamps are used today, and though no apparent signs of kingly leadership have been found in the Indus region to date it is tempting to think that the seals produced with the cylinders were meant to be broken only by someone in high office. Whoever it was would have also presided over granaries, storerooms and trade in much the same way as the Egyptian kingdom; there have been suggestions that the Mohenjodaro bearded man- a 19cm limestone sculpture- might well be a representation of such a person (Scarre & Fagan 1997, 160). As to whether this was a symptom or the cause of centralization is still the subject of hot debate. If there was a king then he certainly did not get or possibly need the lavish pictorial adoration that his Egyptian counterpart enjoyed (Sabloff & Lamberg-Karlovsky 1995, 134).

Architecture & Civic Planning

Power

In a burgeoning state-level society it was most important that the position of king was clearly emphasised above all else (Scarre & Fagan 1997, 124). In Egyptian society this was achieved by elaborate palaces such as found at Nekhen. Here we see a vying for the position of authority between the king and the gods. It is in fact the first place where we see images of the Falcon god- possibly an early form of Horus usurped by later kings in an effort to combine dynasty with deity (ibid, 114). The palace as a centre of authority would have provided an impressive image of leadership and power to those living within the city while presenting rivals with a façade of foreboding prestige. Palaces would in fact have been a barometer to gauge how stable a city or state was.

The illusion would not be lost even in death as Mastaba tombs often reflected the grandeur, on the surface at least, of the palace complex (ibid, 119). Much less is known about the Harappan civilization with regard to palaces. In most cities an area, called the citadel by archaeologists (Allchin & Allchin 1982, 157), has been found which apparently, looked at most likely through a Greek city layout (Scarre & Fagan 1997, 294), served the same function as its Egyptian counterpart. It occupied a prominent part of the city and would have stood imposing over it. Little if anything is known about the occupiers or even if they were kings at all. However, one of the keys to the maintenance of power was the ability to control food and goods surpluses and this the ruling classes did through the granaries located close to the seat of power- a feature also found in Egypt (Fairservis 1975, 173).

In terms of a subterranean waste water disposal system, the Indus people were streets ahead of the people of the Egyptian kingdom who mostly relied upon a relay system of pot-emptying all destined for the Nile (Horan 1996, 6). The Harappan system relied on a complex maze of subterranean man-made waterways which could remove waste directly from the house via a component on which people have sat and pondered from that day to this, the humble toilet (Scarre & Fagan 1997, 157). A greater attraction could not be found in any other place and certainly would account for a large influx of people who in turn would bring with them yet more skills to further the Harappan civilization. However, it is impossible to say if one directly led to the other or if both occurred symbiotically.

Devotion

Though there are many examples of temple complexes throughout Egypt (Trigger 1993, 75), some stretching beyond the unification of the two lands (ibid), it cannot be said that they were a vital ingredient in the transition from a complex chiefdom to state level society, although they might have proved useful to control a peripatetic people during times of low employment or social unrest (Scarre & Fagan 1997, 126). Suppositions that the Mohenjodaro carved man was a holy man based upon the clothing which hangs off one shoulder simply do little else but serve the cause of nationalist archaeology as the Pakistan government seek to claim a direct lineage with the Harappan civilization as we have done with the Celts, and strengthen national borders on that premise (Fairservis 1975, 260).

People

Architecture can be a useful tool to gauge the stratification of society among the ordinary people of the city (ibid, 270). Sometimes, however, it might be misread, especially when looking at ancient civilizations through modern eyes and modern motivations (Trigger 1993, 15).

In Egypt we are lucky to have written accounts that sometimes reveal who lived in what building, and through this we are able to paint a vivid picture of social stratification which has many contemporary comparisons, such as houses with function rooms and bedrooms and those less well catered for (Scarre & Fagan 1997, 121).

Of the Harappan culture we find houses tightly packed within a latticework of city streets with most opening out into a courtyard (Allchin & Allchin 1982, 179). They are of various sizes (ibid, 178), and it is assumed that the larger the room the wealthier or greater in status the person was who lived within (Fairservis 1975, 253), and using the Egyptian model this may well be the case but we cannot say for sure (Scarre & Fagan 1997, 162). It could be argued that room sizes may also have varied according to how much skill one possessed. Since most Harappan cities were a veritable showcase of state-of-the-art civic and agricultural technologies it is logical to assume that some incentive was needed to attract this level of ingenuity.

Economy & Craft Specialization

Economic power is thought by some to be derived primarily from the capacity to produce increasingly specialized items and the ability to manage the complicated tasks of food storage and distribution (ibid, 42). This power, over time, leaks down to those who are responsible for overseeing this important task, and they become a class of officials, one step down from the elites (ibid). For some academics a state level society cannot exist without the presence of elites, officials and of commoners- everyone else. However, I do not think that it can be painted so black and white. If we take Egypt, for example, the daily tasks of the elite and official classes are well documented- from the Narmer Palette carved on stone (Sabloff & Lamberg-Karlovsky 1995, 134) to the writing developed by scribes in the archaic period and used predominantly on papyrus (Trigger 1993, 7). With this medium scribes could calculate fractions, survey land and assess the quantities of material to be used on a construction project, all by using a measurement based on dimensions of the human body and standard cubic measurements (Scarre & Fagan 1997, 122). Evidence of standardization can be plainly seen through the regularization in the size of pottery vessels used throughout the kingdom (ibid, 114).

The Harappan civilization also had their particular brand of writing probably used for much the same purpose; however, much less of it survives owing to little of it being committed to hard-wearing surfaces, instead being written on perishable pounded flat ola leaves (ibid, 161). We do know, however, that this script was most probably used to record trade and ownership owing to the large amount of carved seals found (Fairservis 1975, 273). The production and spread of Kot Diji pottery is a testament to Harappan standardization and to a unified culture, however, it can tell us even more (Allchin & Allchin 1982, 155). The kiln required to fire Kot Diji pottery has to reach exactly the same temperature as needed to smelt bronze (Lecture Notes), so one can deduce that a town which produced one item would more than likely have been famed for the other.

Trade, Bureaucracy & Warfare

Although the fertile valley of the Nile produced an abundance of crops it is highly unlikely that the increased population brought about as a result of food surpluses would have developed in any real way without the influence of trade (Sabloff & Lamberg-Karlovsky 1995, 122). The select group of officials in society whose service would be recognized eternally, judging by the tombs at Saqara (Scarre & Fagan 1997, 124), having developed the administration of irrigation, harvesting and redistribution of crops, would have taken the next logical step such as tfers a mere tantalizing scatterilly obtained material (Sabloff & Lamberg-Karlovsky 1995, 230). The latter of course would have been done before the transition to state society; however, with the improved efficiency of the overseers more elaborate goods would become available to trade over greater distances, unlocking previously hidden wealth within a given region.

The regular recording of harvests, trade and building requisitions would have served to increase a city (Trigger 1993, 64), but were these practices in use in complex chiefdoms - that is the question. One could suggest that both in Egypt and the Indus valley it is immediately apparent that the bureaucracy is already at an advanced stage even from the earliest recorded evidence (Scarre & Fagan 1997, 116), and so its introduction cannot be said to have contributed to the formation of state level society; however, one may say that the elaboration of this field may have done so.

The ability to have a standing army is one sign, according to some experts, of state level society (Trigger 1993, 52), and the kingdom of Egypt certainly boasted of such an institution (ibid, 51). The united land of Egypt itself owed its existence to the subjugation of smaller societies (Scarre & Fagan 1997, 110). It is easy to forget that the Pharonic Kingdom is an amalgamation of many albeit smaller complex chiefdoms (ibid), all of which would have contributed to the overall greatness of the kingdom. Evidence in the Indus is not so apparent or at least taken seriously. For instance the numerous burnings of cities such as Kot Diji (Allchin & Allchin 1982, 143) fired the imagination, as it were, that there might have been a conflict or at least a sacking of the city based upon the wealth it would have accrued by copper and bronze smelting, or it could have just as easily been caused by over-industrious kiln workers within the tightly-packed city streets.

Theories of State Formation

One theory suggests that a state-level society depends on centralized political and social organization, class stratification and intensive agriculture (Sabloff & Lamberg-Karlovsky 1995, 231). States possess complex political structures and are usually based on social inequality with a small ruling class (Scarre & Fagan 1997, 48). Egypt, we can say without doubt, exemplifies all these characteristics as it is likely that this very theory was based upon the Pharonic state. While the Indus, on the other hand, embodied much of the theory, there is one stubborn incongruity namely the basis of social inequality- this at the moment can only be guessed at in Harappan civilization (Sabloff & Lamberg-Karlovsky 1995, 230). While Carneiro’s theory on warfare has been much maligned of late (Scarre & Fagan 1997, 37) it does resonate with Egypt in the archaic period. Egypt only became a true state-level society after both upper and lower Egypt were combined by conquest (Sabloff & Lamberg-Karlovsky 1995, 132). This military strategy did not come about, therefore, as a consequence of civilization but rather influenced and enlarged it. Warfare does not appear to have been a factor in creating Harappan civilization, but it may have influenced its direction both in industry and architecture (Fairservis 1975, 252).

Conclusion

In summing up I hope to have shown that it is the end of an age of monocausal explanations with regard to state formation. I also have shown that while the Nile and Indus Valleys are superficially similar they have in the end produced two distinct civilizations. I hope to have shown that long since held preconceptions about civilizations do not often endure under scrutiny and especially with regard to the Harappan civilization all is not what it first appears.

David Martin Byrne

Bibliography

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Cork, E. 2005 Peaceful Harappans? Reviewing the evidence for the absence of warfare in the Indus Civilization of north-west India and Pakistan (c. 2500-1900 BC). Antiquity 79, 411-423.

Fairservis, W. 1975 Roots of Ancient India: Archaeology of Early Indian Civilization. University of Chicago Press

Horan, J. 1998 Sitting pretty- An uninhibited history of the toilet. London: Robson

Jones, C. 2007 Lecture Notes AR 334.

Sabloff, J. and C.C. Lamberg-Karlovsky 1995 Ancient civilizations of the Near East and Mesoamerica. 2nd ed. Prospect Heights: Waveland Press.

Scarre, C. and B. Fagan 1997 Ancient civilizations. Upper Saddle River: Prentice Hall.

Trigger, B. 1993 Early civilizations: ancient Egypt in context. Cairo: American University in Cairo